Why Europe’s far-right political parties are gaining ground?

By
Maayan Jaffe-Hoffman

 

The
refugee crisis, escalating terrorism and dissatisfaction with the political
elite are blamed for the current rise of Europe’s far-right political parties.
Such a revival has not been seen since World War II.

 

What’s
uniting the parties is an “imagined Muslim enemy in Europe,” and a desire to
support and connect with Israel, according to Farid Hafez, a sociology and
political science professor at Austria’s Salzburg University.

 

The
ideology of Europe’s far-right parties is rooted in several things, said Cas
Mudde, a Dutch political scientist and an associate professor at the University
of Georgia’s School for Public and International Affairs.

 

“The refugee crisis speaks to a fear of
aliens taking the native land,” Mudde said. “Authoritarianism is a reaction to
the terrorism, and the connection made between refugees and terrorism. Populism
plays into the European Union and its inability to deal with terrorism and the
refugee crisis.”

 

Over
the last 17 years, Europe has seen the number of seats for far-right parties
double in each election, from 11 percent in 1999 to 22.9 percent in 2014,
according to a report by European Parliament research fellow Thilo Janssen.

 

If
the trend continues, the far-right could win 37 percent of European Parliament
seats in the next election, the same percentage that Adolf Hitler’s National
Society party won in 1932, resulting in the rise of the Nazi regime.

 

Many
of these political groups have a history of antisemitism. After the fall of the
Nazi regime, blatant antisemitism lost popularity, and so did the far-Right,
Hafez said.

 

When
large numbers of foreign workers began streaming into Europe in the early
1990s, the far-right tried to re-establish prominence through economic
nationalism, a feeling of loyalty and pride in their own country. They also
felt native-born citizens should be given job preferences and welfare support
over non-natives. But their efforts were largely unsuccessful.

 

However,
after 9/11, and in the wake of Muslim refugees flooding into Europe, the
far-right found its ticket, Islamophobia, according to Ayhan Kaya, director of
the European Institute at Istanbul Bilgi University in Turkey. He calls what’s
happening in Europe “Islamophism” and likens it to the antisemitism of the 19th
century.

 

“Muslims have become global scapegoats,
blamed for all negative social phenomena, such as illegality, crime, violence,
drug abuse, radicalism, fundamentalism,” Kaya wrote in a recent paper. “There
is a growing fear in Europe that Muslims will demographically take over sooner
or later.”

 

Bar-Ilan
University professor Amikam Nachmani says Nazi-style rhetoric employed against
the Jews is now targeted against Muslims.

 

He
estimates the anti-Muslim hatred increasingly being employed by the far-Right
is a proxy for its longstanding racism and antisemitic ideologies.

 

In
France, for example, there were 806 antisemitic hate crimes against Jews in
2015, as reported by the Jewish Telegraphic Agency (JTA). While attacks against
Muslims tripled in volume, the total was only 400, half the number of attacks
committed against Jewish people and property.

 

“The far-right parties claim they want to
defend Europe’s Judeo-Christian heritage and foundations,” said Hafez. “This is
a game.”

 

The
right wing and Israel: bedfellows?

 

So
why are members of the ruling Likud party in Israel making increasing efforts
to engage with the young leadership of conservative parties throughout Europe?
The belief, according to Michael Kleiner, president of Likud’s tribunal, is
that these parties share their ideology.

 

“This is a bloc that is becoming stronger
in the European Parliament,” Kleiner told JNS.org. He contends the parties are
pro-Israel and have taken steps to clean house, apologizing for their
antisemitic pasts.

 

“The fascist party in Italy was taken over
by [Gianfranco] Fini,” Kleiner said. “He cleaned the platform and made it
pro-Israel, pro-Jews and apologized for that part of the platform which was
anti-Jewish in the 1930s.”

 

Kleiner
has been inviting far-right party leaders to Israel, including representatives
from Germany’s Christian Democrats, the Danish People’s Party, France’s
National Front and Austria’s Freedom Party.

 

These
political groups don’t agree with Europe’s leftists on Judea and Samaria, the
West Bank territories, and refuse to participate in the Boycott, Divestment and
Sanctions (BDS) movement.

 

“There is no logical reason why these
parties should be on a black list,” Kleiner said. “They should be treated
minimally like any other party in Europe in which we are in touch, including
left-wing parties that are pro-Palestinian, anti-Israel and blame us for Hamas
shooting at us. Do you know how we look when someone wants our friendship and
we reject it for no obvious reason?”

 

Kleiner
does not view the far-right as anti-Muslim, but rather anti those Muslims that
are not ready to accept what’s required by Europe to become upstanding
citizens.

 

Others,
like Israeli President Reuven Rivlin, a Likud party member, feel it’s not
difficult to find indications of extreme, anti-Zionist and antisemitic vitriol
from within the populist party. After learning of a visit by Austrian party
leader Christian Strache to Israel in May, Rivlin said he’s “amazed at what
appears to be an erosion of our national honor, in the face of a crackpot union
with fraudulent voices on the extreme right in parts of Europe.” Rivlin was
speaking at a ceremony marking the end of Holocaust Remembrance Day.

 

Mudde
said renewed relations make sense from the perspective of Likud and supports
Kleiner in his view that the far-right and Likud share a similar vision of the
dangerous strength of Islam in the world.

 

The
European Left continues to weaken, so these ties could have far-reaching
political implications in the future, especially if the right maintains control
in Israel, Mudde added.

 

Maayan
Jaffe-Hoffman is the director of international communications for an Israeli
think tank, is a former editor for The Jerusalem Post and a former
editor-in-chief of The Baltimore Jewish Times.

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